Kill Your Darlings: Bernard Williams’ “Moral Luck”

The end of the decade’s got me thinking about what I’ve done in the last ten years, what I’ve enjoyed, and what I’ve read. In that light, I decided to go back and re-read what I’ve always thought of as one of my favorite papers: Bernard Williams’ “Moral Luck” (you can find a pdf here–it starts on page 20).

Although I still like the paper quite a bit, I found myself more critical of it this time around than I have been in the past, and, given that apparently I have nothing better to do, I decided to put my thoughts down. In all likelihood, this will serve as lecture notes the next time I teach the paper.

I’ve given a brief summary of the setup of the paper and the relevant bits that I’m criticizing, but I don’t go into the whole thing. In fact, I stop fairly quickly into the essay (I don’t even get to Anna Karenina or the agent regret stuff). I might do a follow up post that covers the second part, but what I’ve written below is very long as it stands. I’ve also included little grey “justify it” boxes that make explicit some of the stuff that’s either in the background or that is important, but tangential to the central arguments or exposition of the post. Those who might not be familiar with Williams’ essay or with philosophy might find them useful–those who are familiar with both can skip them (although they do provide some insight into what I think is going in some tricky parts). Finally, those who are very familiar with Williams’ essay can feel free to just jump down to the criticism sections and see if those make sense. Okay, here we go.


Synopsis

The paper itself, like most of Williams’ work, is a difficult one and Williams does little to help his reader in some of the trickier parts. The ostensible thesis, however, is clear: the idea that moral value is immune to luck is a mistaken one.

Justify It Box 1: Why care whether moral value is immune to luck?

Here’s the brief argument that’s lurking in the background in favor of this mistaken view. We know that the good things in life can be stripped away by contingent forces: a tornado can destroy your gorgeous house; a dip in the market can cost you your excellent job; a car accident can take away your beautiful family; a clump of mutating cells can ruin your perfect health; and so on. We tend to think that we can plan ahead to prevent such things or, at the very least, to mitigate their effects when they happen, but, realistically, we know that there’s nothing that can be done to prevent all (or even most) such cases.

The problem, then is that if the good life is simply a matter of attaining the things in life that are good, and if those things are themselves vulnerable to luck, then it seems that the good life itself is a matter of luck. This, in turn, tends to bother people quite a bit since, if true, it suggests that one is more or less impotent with respect to how well one’s life goes. Arguably, only a person who is utterly indifferent to one’s well-being, one’s projects, and one’s life is completely unbothered by this prospect and there are very few people like that. For most human beings the effect on luck will have some troubling effect and its mitigation will be of some concern.

All that being said, the problem can be avoided altogether if first, there is something of value that is immune to luck, and second, if that thing of value is itself something that we can attain and which is substantial enough to form a life around. After all, if there were something of value that is immune to luck but which we couldn’t attain, then our predicament wouldn’t be improved (indeed, knowing about it might make it even worse!). And, if there were some such thing that we could attain, but which were of such negligible value around which someone couldn’t plausibly form a good life, then we’re still in the same boat (“Yes, it’s true, my kids are dead, but I finally saw the perfect shade of red and that can’t be taken away from me” doesn’t paint a picture of the good life to me even if we assume that seeing the perfect shade of red is of some value).

Many people have held that both of the requirements needed to solve the problem are to be found in moral value. The idea that morality is of substantial (if not supreme) value is neither an uncommon, nor an implausible view. The question, then, is whether it is immune to luck as well. Some philosophers–notably Kant, but one can make an argument for Plato as well–have argued that it is. Very simply put, for Kant, morality is a matter of exercising one’s rational nature in the proper way and such an exercise of one’s rational nature is not vulnerable to contingencies of luck. Furthermore, since all people have a rational nature that operates in the same way and to the same degree, all people regardless of circumstance are able to be moral, and hence, to live the good life; regardless of what happens, as long as one remains a person and has a rational nature, one can be moral, and, hence, one can live the good life.

If all this is right, then the problem that the good life can be take away from us due to luck falls to the side. At the very least, we can have a very good life by being moral, and, furthermore, if moral value is the supreme value, then we can get the best life by being moral.

Williams’ primary concern in the part of the paper that I want to talk about isn’t about showing that whether one acts or is even able to act morally is a factor of luck (that’s more Nagel’s aim). Rather, he wants to first focus on the role of justification and the conditions under which one can be justified in taking a course of action. It’s only near the end of the paper that he links together justification with morality. Williams’ stated reason for going this route is that the Kantian view mixes together the notions of rationality, morality, justification, and supreme value in such a way that it has the consequence that whether one is justified in acting cannot be a matter of luck (see below for more detail).

Justify It Box 2: Why does Williams think the Kantian view links morality with justification?
This is one of the many frustrating places in which one wishes Williams would explain what he has in mind. I’m not a Kant scholar, and, admittedly, my understanding of Kant is not stellar. However, I believe what Williams has in mind here is something like the following: one figures out the right thing to do by by testing the maxim on which one acts for conformity with the Categorical Imperative. If the maxim passes the test, then acting on it is the right thing to do, and if it is the right thing to do, then, clearly, one is justified in acting upon that maxim since one is always justified in doing the right thing. In this respect, one’s justification for doing x and x being the right thing coincide. Crucially, whether a maxim is in conformity with the Categorical Imperative is entirely a matter of certain of its logical properties and structure, and as such, is a matter that’s entirely independent of anything about the agent herself, or anything that happens or might happen to her. In other words, the maxim fails or passes its test in the rational realm where luck is not a factor. Just as it can’t be matter of luck that 2 + 2 = 4, so it can’t be matter of luck whether a maxim is in conformity with the Categorical Imperative.

If this is the right picture, then it follows that it also can’t be a matter of luck whether one is justified in acting.

The strategy then is to show that whether one is justified can indeed be a matter of luck. If he’s able to show that successfully, and if justification, rationality, and morality are as tightly bound as the the Kantian picture presents them to be, then it seems to follow that rationality and morality will also be vulnerable to luck.

With respect to his methodology, Williams is mercifully clear:

My procedure in general will be to invite reflection about how to think and feel about some rather less usual situations, in the light of an appeal to how we—many people—tend to think and feel about other more usual situations, not in terms of substantive moral opinions or ‘intuitions’ but in terms of the experience of those kinds of situation.

pg. 22

So, he’s going to present us with some unusual cases which will pose problems for the Kantian view of justification he’s attacking, and he’ll argue that we should judge these cases on the basis of more ordinary cases in which our judgements, are, presumably, in agreement (and not because we have some theoretical commitment that makes us have those judgments). To that end he gives us the first of two cases:

‘Gauguin’

Modeled after the real Gauguin, our Gauguin is a creative artist who is considering foregoing certain real and urgent moral commitments in order to live a kind of life that he believes will let him pursue his art. More specifically, we can imagine that he is a married man with a spouse and children who need his support to have a minimally decent life, that he thinks he could be a fantastic painter if he didn’t have to support his family and could devote himself entire to his art, and that it’s impossible for him to achieve success as a painter while supporting his family. He is faced with a choice between two incompatible lives: one in which he supports his family and decisively fails to be a painter, and one in which he tries to succeed as a painter but in which he decisively fails to support his family. Furthermore, he’s someone who sees the demands of morality as important–he realizes that if he were to abandon his family he would be committing a serious moral wrong–but he doesn’t think that these demands are decisive.

We are to imagine that with all this in mind, our Gauguin decides to pursue the life that he holds will allow him to be a great painter and leaves his family. Crucially, in making this decision, he does not know whether he will be successful as a painter or not.

What are we to make of this case?

Williams’ claim is that in Gauguin’s case the only thing that could justify this choice is his success in his endeavor. It’s clear that if he fails in becoming a great painter, then he not only did the morally wrong thing in abandoning his family, but, crucially, that he was not justified in abandoning them when he did. Simply put, there is nothing to be said in favor of his being justified in making his decision the way he made it. However, Williams claims that if he’s successful, then there’s at least some basis for thinking that he was justified in doing what he did–a basis which, to reiterate, he would not have if he fails.

To put the matter another way, if he’s successful, then in response to being confronted with the claim that he was not justified in leaving his family, he can reply with something that has some pull on us; namely, “Yes, but look at the greatness I’ve achieved which would not have been achieved otherwise!” This might not be sufficient to completely exculpate him from being a total bastard (certainly not to his family!), but we’re supposed to have the intuition that it’s at least something which has some weight and which speaks in favor of his action.

Before we delve into whether Williams is right in making these claims it’s important to make note of two points: the first is that given how the scenario is set up, Gauguin does not know prior to making his decision whether he would end up being successful. In fact, he can’t know since whether he is successful is a matter of whether he makes the very decision that he’s deliberating about. Given that this is the case, it’s impossible that his actual success can factor in as a justification for trying to succeed–there simply is no actual success at that point but, at best, only the possibility of success. In other words, the justification of his success is something that can only occur retroactively. Crucially, this is one of the places where the wedge between justification and morality can be inserted.

The second point is that what matters in whether Gauguin is justified is not simply whether he succeeds or fails, but the source of the failure. Williams is explicit that a kind of external failure (e.g. a heavy crate crushing Gauguin’s hands while en route to Tahiti, preventing him from ever painting) would not be sufficient to demonstrate that he was unjustified in leaving. In such a case and others like it, the question is, I believe, essentially supposed to remain an open one since the claim that he could have succeeded had this event not occurred is likewise still open. What decisively shuts the door on Gauguin not being justified, then, is a kind of intrinsic failure of the project; as Williams puts it, it has to be the case not that the project fails but that he fails at the project.

Crucially, whether one Gauguin is the kind of man who really can be a great painter is a matter of what Williams calls ‘intrinsic luck’. As he puts it: “it is not merely luck that he is such a man, but luck relative to the deliberations that went into his decision, that he turns out to be such a man: he might (epistemically) not have been. That is what sets the problem.” (pg. 25)

Justify It Box 3: What sets the problem?!

I admit, I find Williams’ claim about “luck relative to the deliberations that went into his decision” to be puzzling. The best I can make out of it is that he thinks luck factors doubly in Guaguin’s case. In the first place it’s a matter of luck whether Gauguin just is the kind of person that can be a great painter (see my brief criticism of that claim below); and in the second place that it’s a matter of luck that his very decision hangs on luck about his ability to be a great painter. That is, he’s (un)lucky insofar as whether he’s justified is a matter of something he can only know post facto.

I suppose this can be made sense of though if I’m correct, then, the latter strikes me as a kind of luck of circumstance and the former a kind of luck of character (loosely put–again, see my criticism below). Here, there may be some overlap with moral luck in Nagel’s sense. Specifically, I’m thinking of a case in which a person might fail to do the right thing by virtue of the fact that they have the dual bad luck of being in a bad situation for which they’re internally badly disposed to handle. Thus, one might imagine being unlucky in being the first responder to a car-crash and being unlucky in being naturally too cowardly to provide the necessary help. Why the situational kind of luck should be an intrinsic kind of luck, though, is a mystery to me. It seems more accurate to me that situational luck is extrinsic even if the situation in which I find myself is one in which intrinsic factors weigh heavily.

Alternatively, I suppose Williams could mean that the intrinsic factors are such that they cause one to be in a certain situation which they wouldn’t be in if but for certain matters of luck about who they are. In Gauguin’s case, the situation is the very one of deliberating about leaving his family and it’s caused by the fact that he currently doesn’t know whether he can cut it as a great painter. That is, if he could know that he wasn’t going to be a great painter, then he would never be in the situation in which he has to deliberate about something he can’t be ex ante justified. But he isn’t and in that respect he’s unlucky.

Again, I just find this stuff really hard to parse.

Criticism 1

Williams’ stress on intrinsic luck here makes up my first major criticism. Personally, I find the notion of intrinsic luck–especially with regard to something like artistic talent–to be pretty suspect if only because it seems to entail that things like artistic talent are just ingrained features of the person. Williams seems to hold the view that whether one is a great painter (destined to be one?) is some kind of intrinsic feature that one is either graced with it or not as a matter of luck and which one discovers through the course of their life. Not only is this not very g r o w t h m i n d s e t oriented (joke) but I also find it to be weirdly essentialist in nature. Maybe it’s something that comes of his broadly Nietzschiean commitments about human nature and determinism, but I see no reason to hold that view without something extra to back it up.

In any case, we can set the question of whether being a great painter is written in the stars and focus on a different matter. In particular, there’s tension between Williams’ claim that the only thing that could justify Gauguin is his success and the claim that he’s not unjustified if his project fails as a result of extrinsic luck.

It’s true, the two claims are not obviously inconsistent since not being unjustified does not amount to being justified so it remains possible that the only way to be justified is to succeed. However, the tension can be brought out if we reflect on what it must mean for him to not be unjustified. Williams’ direct quote is: “Irreducibly, luck of this kind affects whether he will be justified or not, since if it strikes, he will not be justified. But it is too external for it to unjustify him, something which only his failure as a painter can do.” (pg. 25) The only way I can make sense of this claim is to hold, as I do above, that the question of whether Gauguin is justified is theoretically still open. It’s not actually open since Williams admits that Gauguin has failed and that because of that failure he can’t be justified. But it’s still in some sense open since he’s not unjustified.

That all seems fine and well, but why wouldn’t he be unjustified? Suppose someone says to Gauguin “You really didn’t make it as an artist cause of all that hand crushing business, huh? In light of that it looks like your leaving your family was completely unjustified.” What would be said in response to make the point that he’s not unjustified? The most obvious answer seems to be that he’s not unjustified because he could have been a great painter if but for the hand crushing. I think this is right, but it looks to me that this means that the possibility of having been a great painter serves as some justification or some reason for claiming that one is justified. Granted, it’s not enough of a justification to count as justifying his action completely (although we should remember that even success doesn’t do this), but it’s enough to push him from being unjustified into not being unjustified.

Justify It Box 4: Aren’t you assuming some stuff?

I explicitly assume two things. First, I assume that the burden of proof is on Gauguin (or Williams) to explain why he’s not unjustified. That is, I assume that the abandoning of his family is pro tanto sufficient to hold that he’s completely unjustified unless he can offer some justification to push in the other direction. This seems like a reasonable assumption that (to stick with Williams’ own methodology) most ordinary people make. Second, I also assume that the shift from unjustified to justified is a matter of offering pieces of justification or reasons that speak in favor of one being justified (and vice versa–to move from being justified to being unjustified is to be presented with reasons that speak against one being justified).

Putting those two assumptions together with the claim that Gauguin is not unjustified because he could have been a great painter amounts to the claim that the possibility of being a great painter is itself a bit of justification for his decision (if, indeed, that is what Gauguin would say in response to his accuser–maybe I’m just completely wrong about that). So, it turns out that it’s not just his actual success that serves as some justification, but also his potential success or the possibility thereof that does too.

This might seem like small potatoes since all it means is that Gauguin now has another piece of justification available to him. However, I think it actually causes big problems for Williams. Let’s assume that Williams is right that if Gauguin were actually successful as a great painter then he would have some justification for leaving his family (more on that below) and that he can’t know if he’s justified ex ante. Even if this is true, it’s simply not true that the justification regarding the possibility of being a great painter can’t be known before making the decision. Indeed, that can be reasonably estimated and on that basis we can judge whether Gauguin is or is not justified in leaving.

Before I get into how we do this (the procedure will be familiar), I should say something about what kind of possibility we’re talking about when we say that the possibility of being a great painter is some justification for Gauguin. Clearly, it’s not some kind of logical, metaphysical, or nomological possibility that’s at play–if that were the case, then there would be justification for almost anything. There would, for example, be some justification for putting drain cleaner in your coffee because there’s some possible world in which it doesn’t kill you. No sane person would take this as any kind of justification. Rather, what we’re talking about is a kind of counterfactual possibility tied to a probability of success; i.e. if the crate hadn’t crushed his hands he would have had a decent chance of succeeding at being a painter or there would have been at least some likelihood of success.

Here, I think Williams is unfairly benefiting from the fact that we know that the real Gauguin really was successful as a painter and that we implicitly smuggle that in. Consider what happens if we mess with the likelihood of success in setting up the example. Suppose we stipulate that our Gauguin has never put brush to canvas in his life, or that instead of painting he wants to leave his family so he could train and beat the world record for the 100 meter dash despite never having run a day in his life. In other words, imagine that his aspirations are entirely unrelated to anything in his life that indicates he would have any success in achieving what he sets out to do–indeed, we might even point to factors that indicate that he’s highly unlikely to succeed (“Gauguin, my dude, beating a world record requires a lifetime of training that you just never had.”)

In these cases it makes sense to think that even if he can’t know whether he’ll be successful in beating the world record he has pretty damn good reason to think that he won’t be able to. This also seems like pretty damn good reason to think that he’s not justified in leaving and not because of any moral considerations, but precisely because he’s very likely to fail. Indeed, we can also have reason to think that he’ll fail not because of some external reasons, but precisely because the evidence points to the fact that he is not the kind of person who can do the thing he sets out to do. That is, we can argue that he’s likely to experience a kind of intrinsic failure. Most importantly of all, we can figure this out before he sets out to make his decision–there’s just not the kind of uncertainty that could only be closed by finding out later whether one is ultimately successful or not.

As stated above, this procedure is a familiar one and we do this kind of reasoning all the time. I might get the idea that I should abandon my studies to pursue a career in country music. In trying to figure out whether I would be justified in making this decision you might very well ask me if, for example, I know how to play an instrument or sing, whether I understand or even like the music, whether I have any ins into the business, and so on. In other words, you might reasonably ask whether I have any reason to think that I’ll succeed in this. When you find out that the answer to all of these questions is ‘no’ you might reasonably say that I’m not at all justified in doing this (and you would be right!).

All this is to say that Williams’ argument relies on the existence of cases in which the only justification that needs to factor into whether one should do something is available only post facto. I’ve been arguing that even in the Gauguin example this isn’t the case and that there’s always some other evidence available prior to making the decision that can settle the question of whether he’s justified in taking off or not.

Criticism 2

Nevertheless, Williams could take my comments aboard and say two things. First, he could claim that an even more schematized version of Gauguin’s case could be made in which we really can’t say that he’s unjustified prior to his making a decision. We might suppose, for example, that the odds are perfectly even that he could be successful or a failure, or that the situation is so ambiguous that it’s just impossible to confidently say one way or the other. I won’t have much to say about this other than that I suspect such cases would be extremely rare; if moral luck regarding justification can only appear at those fringes then I’m not terribly worried.

More importantly, however, he can still insist that even if Gauguin makes his decision to leave while being completely unjustified, if he were to nevertheless succeed he would still have some kind of justification available to him. And he could argue that this is really the important thing to note in this highly schematized example.

(It should be noted that the role of luck here has changed. It now strikes me that in the case that our Gauguin succeeds the luck is precisely in his success. But I’ll set that to the side.)

The question, then becomes whether a success like Gauguin’s really is any justification for having done what he did. Or more broadly, whether post facto justification makes sense. I don’t think it does and I think that it’s pretty easy to see why by looking at cases of negligence. This is my second objection.

Suppose, for example, that I, never having shot a gun in my life, come to think that I can become the world’s greatest marksman. As my first attempt to do this I take an apple and place it on my infant son’s head (don’t worry, I don’t really have any kids) and shoot the apple off. Prior to shooting it, most people, I hope, would think that I am not justified in taking the risk of missing the apple and killing my son (or of even exposing him to that kind of danger). Suppose, furthermore, that I actually hit the apple and my son remains unharmed. In that case I was successful and we can even say that my success is some evidence, however slight, that I am the world’s greatest marksman (after all, I did this on the first try with no practice!). However, I don’t think anyone would think that my success provides any post facto justification for having done what I did.

I might try to defend myself by saying that I have something to say in my defense (viz. that I shot the apple) which I wouldn’t have if I had failed and killed the boy since, in that case, nothing would have justified me. But this strikes me as unconvincing. That I didn’t kill the boy or that I succeeded in shooting the apple does not, in this case, serve as any kind of post-facto justification at all. We would certainly be right to say that I was lucky, but the central claim of Williams’ point is that this kind of luck can act as justification for having made the decision to shoot in the first place. And I simply can’t see why that should be the case.

Crucially, the example with my son, while extreme, is relevantly analogous to Gauguin’s case since I have opted for a choice that neglects pressing moral claims on me by my family in order to do something that exposes that family to serious risk. What’s under discussion is whether success under these conditions provides any justification for deciding in the way I did–Williams argues that the Gauguin case does and I insist that in the case with my son it adds absolutely nothing.

Justify It Box 5: But aren’t there relevant difference here?

It’s true, my example is not fully analogous since one might argue that nothing is gained by my putting my son at risk for my stupid dream of being the world’s greatest sharpshooter and succeeding while something is gained by Gauguin putting his family at risk and succeeding at being a painter. One might also say that the value of art is such that success in that domain does offer post facto justification while success in gun-play does not and that this is where the real difference lies.

This might be right, but this doesn’t strike me as something that Williams would take up. In the first place, this line of thought is almost explicitly consequentialist and Williams was no consequentialist. But even if he would avail himself to this kind of reasoning, I still think one could put pressure on the earlier claim that this kind of justification can only be known post facto since that simply isn’t true if one takes up this line. That is, it’s not the case that we don’t know anything about the value of art such that it can’t factor into our deliberations ex ante; it’s not like we discover upon my successfully shooting the apple off my son’s head that this stunt wasn’t valuable or in Gauguin’s case that art is valuable.

Maybe one would argue that at this point we’re at loggerheads–Williams claims one thing, and I claim another. However, I think more could be said in my defense. In particular, it seems to me that Williams is relying on the fact that people tend to think that if something has been accomplished, then its having been accomplished speaks in favor of it having been done in the first place. But it really does matter whether this way of thinking about the matter–regardless of whether it’s widespread–is a good way of thinking. And I just don’t see don’t see how it could be. Aside from the example I gave, one can construct countless others: the fact that I didn’t kill anyone driving drunk last night does not mean that I was justified in driving drunk in the first place; the fact that I successfully pulled out all my teeth does not mean that I was justified in pulling them out; the fact that the palace coup succeeded is not a reason to think that it was justified; etc. Let’s call the taking of a success in action as speaking in favor of the doing of that action the ‘fait accompli’ fallacy. Given the number of examples that one can generate to demonstrate that this way of thinking is pretty bad, it seems to me that the onus is on Williams to show that the when it is applied to the case of Gauguin this kind of reasoning is not fallacious. In other words, it must be shown that Gauguin’s success really does provide any kind of justification at all without just assuming that.

Now, the obvious rejoinder here is that, again, there’s something that can be said if Gauguin is successful that he wouldn’t be able to say if he failed. This is true, but it won’t cut it. If that ‘something’ that can be said is not a piece of justification (but instead a bit of fallacious reasoning) then the fact that it can be said is irrelevant. Likewise, the fact that one can affirm the consequent in the course of an argument is not a reason to think that that person is arguing well. Crucially, one can’t simply assume that whatever is offered in response to such cases is justification.

Still, it is true that at least sometimes people do commit the fait accompli fallacy and that we do say things like “well, everything worked out alright in the end!” to at least attempt to justify their actions. Why do they do this? I think one reason is to stop criticisms about what could have gone wrong in a situation–it’s no use yelling at me for taking a risk in doing x since it’s all over and what could have gone wrong is in the past now. Clearly, if the thing does go wrong, then one can’t say that one can’t be criticized about what could have happened since it actually happened. This, I think, is the ‘something’ that can be added only if one is successful in what they’re doing. Crucially, this is a move to stop a criticism, but the move itself does not stop criticism by showing that one was or is now justified, but one that relies on showing that further criticism would be fruitless. I think Williams confuses this bit.

Okay, let’s wrap this up. I’ve attacked two of Williams’ claims regarding justification in the Gauguin case: the first focused on the claim that in certain cases justification for one’s actions can only appear retroactively on the basis of whether one ends up being lucky in certain respects. I argued that even in those cases it’s just not true that the only justification is available retroactively and that we have pretty good ways of judging whether someone like Gauguin is justified on the basis of how likely he is to succeed in whatever he wants to do. I think we very frequently judge whether someone is justified in taking on a course of action in precisely this way. The second claim I attacked was the claim that being able to say something upon succeeding in an unjustified course of action provides some kind of justification for having done that action. I argued that this is implausible and that it rests on a bit of fallacious reasoning (what I called the ‘fait accompli’ fallacy). Given that there are plenty of easily constructed counter-examples in which success in taking an action adds nothing to whether one was justified in taking that action in the first place, the burden is to show why it should do this in Gauguin’s case. Finally, I closed with a short argument about what I think is actually going on when people make this fallacy.

Okay, I didn’t actually touch any of the stuff about morality or anything about agent regret. I might come back and do a follow up post at some point if I get bored again.

Justify it Box 6: Why are you writing this? Don’t you have other work to do?

Yeah…I don’t know why I do these things.

The State and Revolution: Main Takeaways

I realize that reading through six massive posts about this little pamphlet is probably asking too much for anyone who’s…well, sane. So, I thought I would sum up the book in a short, tidy little digestible post along with highlights of things that I found to be particularly interesting. If you want my in-depth takes on specifics, consult those massive posts. Here we go!


Main Argument

The central aim of the pamphlet is to provide an answer to the question “what should the Marxist’s stance to the state be?” Lenin’s answer is unequivocal: the goal of the true Marxist revolutionary should be to smash the bourgeois state and replace it with a dictatorship of the proletariat which amounts to a pseudo-state during the transition period between Capitalism and Communism. He argues that this is what Marx and Engels themselves advocate for, that this is backed by a proper understanding of Marxism, and that all alternative interpretations are opportunist distortions of scientific socialism.

What is the state?

Following Engels, Lenin’s position is that the state emerges to contain or suppress irreconcilable antagonisms between classes which arise through the division of labor and the distribution of excess production. By moderating conflict, it perpetuates the oppression of one class by another, and is hence, always a tool of the oppressing class.

How and why does the state oppress?

The state is able to function as such a tool because because it has special means of oppression at its disposal that are denied to the lower classes. Specifically, it is the only body that is granted the legitimate use of arms, violence, and imprisonment of individuals. These means of oppression are turned against the dispossessed majority in favor of the elite minority to keep class conflict from erupting into violence and to prevent the majority from taking what the minority keeps from them.

How does this happen? Well, in order for the state to operate, it requires the existence of a functioning bureaucracy peopled with officials who run it and who are placed above and apart from the rest of society. In turn, these officials are quickly bought off by the most economically advantaged class to work in its interests.

What is the fate of the state?

The proletarian revolution will seize the means of production, and, as a result, resolve all class antagonisms, and with that, remove the need for a state. The state will be ‘smashed’ during the revolution, and following that, the people will enter a transition period marked by the dictatorship of the (armed) proletariat during which the state will gradually wither away and disappear.

Will this entail violence?

Necessarily. In the first place, because the state is necessarily violent and will not relinquish its power willingly, overthrowing it and smashing it will require violence (and arms). And in the second place, because all oppression is a kind of violence and the bourgeoisie will have to be oppressed after the revolution, violence will also be necessary (they can, of course, avoid this, by relinquishing their private property and joining the revolution).

What does it mean for the state to ‘wither away’?

It means that the state qua bourgeois state–qua tool of class oppression–is immediately abolished but that a kind of husk of a state run by the proletariat remains in its place to guard against counterrevolution and to keep things running smoothly until the transition period between capitalism and Communism is complete.

Crucially, along with the withering away of the state, democracy will also disappear.

Why would democracy disappear?

Lenin here is speaking of democracy in two different ways. In the first way, he’s speaking of democracy as a kind of codified institution through which the state operates. This is the sense in which, for example, the United States is a democracy since it guarantees the right to vote and elect representatives to a Congress and so on. This kind of democracy will be overcome and disappear with the revolution. It will be so because this kind of democracy was never (and has never been) genuine democracy–it has always benefited some people over others and has never really been guaranteed fully to everyone (a look at the history and present state of the US is enough to confirm that). Rather, this kind of democracy has always been a symptom of bourgeois rule.

The second sense in which Lenin speaks of democracy could be called something like genuine or pure democracy of absolute rule by the people. This won’t disappear (because it’s never existed), but it will be something that can and will only be realized during Communism. For the transitional period of socialism, however, it, too, won’t be in effect. This is because full, genuine democracy applies to literally everyone, and the transitional period will be one of explicitly suppressing the rights of the bourgeoisie in the political arena. This is one sense in which the transition period will be marked by a dictatorship of the proletariat. And, obviously, if one is under a dictatorship, one is not in a democracy.

Once all bourgeois tendencies have been eliminated by expropriating private property and putting it in the hands of the proletariat as common property and socializing the next generation, democracy in the second sense will arrive on the scene.

When is the withering away complete?

This is a matter of several factors: technology, education, and habituation. Lenin holds that the pace of technology is such that it is set to make the running of any and all enterprises a matter of having basic literacy. Once that technology arrives and once the population is educated they will be able to harness the productive forces of capitalism for the good of all people. This period will still be overseen by the dictatorship of the proletariat since people will not be used to living in a way in which everyone governs. However, as a new generation is socialized and grows up under these conditions, its members will learn how to operate without any governance. When that happens, the state will completely wither away.

How long this would actually take cannot be known in advance. However, Lenin seems convinced that the technological advances needed to make this happen are already in place in Western Europe. If communists in that part of the world are able to have a revolution, then they can drastically reduce the transitional period in other countries as they share their knowledge elsewhere. In those places of the world in which the technology is not quite as advanced (i.e. Russia) there can still be a revolution, and there can still be a dictatorship of the proletariat, but, presumably, the transition period between capitalism and Communism will be much longer as the less-advanced countries try to catch up.

How is the state ‘smashed’?

I’ve put forward the argument that ‘to smash’ the state is to deprive it of its essential function–i.e. to smash the state is to prevent it from being a tool of class oppression for the bourgeoisie. This is primarily done by implementing four reforms: arming all the workers, abolishing the standing army, making all officials elected and subject to recall, and lowering their wages to those of working people.

By doing this, any privilege held by state actors will be removed; in essence, it will be impossible to improve one’s lot in life (by being bought off by the bourgeois) by going into state work. Furthermore, as stated before, technological advances of capital organization will make the running of any enterprise (including the state) so simple that anyone could be a state official, so, essentially, anyone and everyone will be capable of doing the work which is now used as means of turning the state into a tool of oppression.

[Translation aside: there’s a distinction in Bulgarian between ‘ Смачкан ‘ and ‘разбит’ where the former is more closely tied to being crushed or smooshed and the latter to destroyed or broken. Both could be arguably translated as “smashed” in English. Something that is crushed may still function in some respect, but something that is destroyed or broken, arguably, can’t. The English ‘smashed’ often implies more of the latter–to smash a vase is to destroy it completely. I wonder if there’s a similar distinction in Russian and if so, whether the original word Lenin uses is closer to ‘crush’ or to ‘destroy’]

What will the future of communism look like?

Impossible to say. The most we can work out is what the transition period of socialism will look like. Part of that picture has already been covered–there will be an armed dictatorship of the proletariat that suppresses the bourgeoisie and which seizes the means of production and makes all previously held private property into common property for the benefit of all; there will be a smashed state that will be peopled by the armed proletariat which will eventually wither away and whose function will be different from that of the bourgeois state.

However, we also learn three more things: first, that the main function of this new state (apart from keeping the interests of capital out) will be to oversee and account for the common goods, and whose task it will be to distribute them to where they’re needed. Second, we learn that the nation will be centralized such that all of its separate states/regions/departments will work towards the same central goal of providing for everyone. And, finally, we learn that with enough time people will get used to living in a world in which everyone governs collectively so that, eventually, even this kind of bureaucratic middle management won’t be necessary.

What about all the people who disagree?

They’re either anarchists, opportunists, or idiots.

What’s the difference between anarchists and Marxists?

The two groups have the same goal of abolishing the state, but whereas the anarchists are focused on simply destroying the state overnight with no plan to put anything in its place and no theory of how the power seized by the revolution will be handled, the Marxists are under no such delusions. Rather, Marxists recognize the necessity of a temporary period during which a smashed state is a practical and theoretical necessity and they offer a detailed plan about what should be done during that period.

In short, anarchists are too utopian and narrowly focused, while Marxists are practical-minded ‘scientists’ of history (or whatever).

Who are the opportunists?

Anyone who claims to be a Marxist but who argues for incrementalism, working within the bourgeois state for reform, or who rejects the need for a violent revolution. They’re opportunists because they either don’t understand Marx (in which case, they’re also likely to be put in the idiot category), or because they do understand him, but are willing to sacrifice the long term goal of Communism for a short-term goal of minor reform.

Who are the idiots?

Pretty much anyone who isn’t a Marxist or who has disagreed with Lenin (includes most of the previous two categories).

What should I do now?

I don’t know, man.


Some Key Takeaways

1: Lenin’s dependence on Marx and Engels

Virtually all of Lenin’s arguments rest on Marx and Engels’ (and here mostly Engels’) theory of the state. If Engels is wrong about the genealogy of the state, or if he’s wrong about its function, then most of what Lenin has to say about why the state must be destroyed and why it must be replaced with a dictatorship of the proletariat fall to the side.

If, for example, the state is not necessarily a tool of class oppression, then it might be possible to figure out under what conditions it ceases to be such. More moderate parties, then, could advocate for these kinds of reforms rather than for an armed insurrection against the state. This might leave them some breathing room on Lenin’s right flank.

Similarly, if it’s possible for the state itself to have its own interests apart from classes, then this might leave some room for opponents on Lenin’s left flank. Lenin is very heavily leveraged in the idea that cutting down the privileges of state functionaries in terms of prestige and financial remuneration is enough to keep the bureaucracy from being a focal point for corruption and class betrayal. However, arguably, he severely underestimates how prestige can still flow to an appointed position in terms of non-material privileges. If this is possible, then the state can still continue to be a tool of oppression–perhaps not one of oppression by the bourgeoisie against the proletariat, but, say, one of the state against…well, anyone.

In short, Lenin’s view depends on he (and Engels and Marx) having the precise and correct understanding of how the state works. Little deviations in either direction make big difference to the plausibility of his argument.

2: Lenin’s view of psychology, bureaucracy, and technology

Lenin has some really weird empirical commitments about the complexity of bureaucracy, the nature of technological advances, and the psychology of people in general. They also tend to be pretty simplistic and kind of naive.

One of the assumptions about bureaucracy were touched on in the last section; viz. that it sets people who populate it apart from others by virtue of the financial opportunities it provides them and by virtue of the social advantages they gather thereby. However, he also assumes 1) that the complexity of bureaucratic tasks is a function of the amount of suppression needed, such that a very complex bureaucratic machinery is needed in order to suppress the majority by the minority (and conversely, that a very simple machine is needed for the majority to oppress the minority), and 2) that the complexity of bureaucratic tasks decreases as technological advances increase.

Both of these claims strike me as suspect. I suppose there’s some sense in which 1) might be correct insofar as a jail that houses 1 million people needs a much more complex infrastructure than one that houses ten people. But much more is needed to make that into a general claim regarding state bureaucracy.

Regarding 2), the only sense in which I can see it as unquestionably true is also the most trivial one. If we assume that the tasks that need to be done in the present are the only tasks that will ever need to be done, then it’s true–it’s much easier to do a census in the present day than it was a hundred years ago. But it seems obvious that new bureaucratic tasks constantly arise along with advances in technology. What Lenin needs is the further claim that we will eventually get to a point where the progress of technology will necessarily outpace the need for new bureaucratic tasks. But I haven’t seen an argument for that claim, and I’m not sure what it would look like (maybe some people who work in AI have a better sense of how that could happen).

His views on technology are similarly bizarre since they, too, assume a kind of unbounded frontier of possibilities and go hand in hand with his views on the nature of bureaucracy. I suppose they’re a bit more plausible given things like Moore’s Law of processing power, but I’m still skeptical that the problems that we face will always have a technocratic solution. Of course, Lenin’s claim is not that this will always be the case, but rather that the problems he faced in 1916 already had a technological solution that was available at the time. Nevertheless, the problem remains just in case there is a time in the future during which there is a problem that is not solvable through technological advances. This could happen if, as mentioned, there are certain specific problems that outrun the advance of technology, but also if there are other problems that are independent of technological solutions. Such problems may very well exist, and, as someone who’s steeped into a certain tradition of philosophy, I’m inclined to think that they do exist. Now, that by itself doesn’t show a fatal problem with Lenin’s view–maybe those problems aren’t important–but that has to be argued for and defended.

Finally, I’m also really skeptical about Lenin’s views of psychology. In essence, Lenin is a pure behaviorist about human psychology. He holds that anyone who has been socialized under certain conditions will accept those conditions as acceptable and come to see them as normal. While I do think that this view is closer to the truth about human psychology than, say, a view that claims there are substantial innate and immutable ways of thinking, I do think that the pure behaviorist view he has in mind (and upon which the future of Communism rests) cannot possibly be right. The big question, then, is whether the ways in which I think it’s wrong are at odds with the long-term plan Lenin envisions.

Here, I’m not exactly sure what to say. I don’t think that human beings are the blank slate that Lenin presents them to be. However, that doesn’t mean that I think the kind of transformation that Lenin takes to be necessary for Communism is impossible. Rather, I think if it’s possible, it’s going to take much longer than a generation or two to achieve. Human psychology is malleable, but it has a long shadow.

This, however, puts a certain amount of pressure on Lenin’s vision. Part of what makes his vision palatable is the fact that the transition from capitalism to Communism is, at least in theory, one that doesn’t have to be horribly painful (or long). If the dictatorship of the proletariat is necessary, then, at the very least, it can also be mercifully brief. If the bourgeoisie doesn’t put up much of a fight, if the technology catches up pretty quickly, and if we’re able to socialize the next generation fairly quickly, then we’re looking at fifty years max. However, if all of these things take much longer…then things begin to look quite differently. Many people would be willing to work towards a future that their children can live for, but how many of us are so structured to suffer three, four, five (etc.) generations of a dictatorship of the proletariat for the promised land? Of course, the deal is made more palatable the sweeter that land of milk and honey is made to be, but there are limits…

(Consider that the return of Christ was supposed to happen within the first believers’ lifetime. Yet, 2000 years later they’re no closer to getting their messiah…)

3: Lenin’s urgency and his focus on creativity

I’ve been pretty hard on Lenin so far, but one of the most interesting and admirable things about his thought is just how aware he is of the urgency and the importance of the historical moment he finds himself in. Part of what’s so powerful about his writing is that he’s not interested in finding a way to compromise and collaborate with others. Rather, he has a certain vision that he not only defends, but on which he’s willing to act.

One of the most moving parts of the pamphlet is when he castigates his opponents who, ostensibly, agree with him about the evils of the capitalist mode of production, yet who remain wringing their hands, paralyzed by the fact that the ultimate end of the revolution remains undefined. If Lenin has convinced me of anything, it’s that, on the one hand, the revolution is not a matter of perfect rational planning that simply dictates action from start to finish; and, on the other hand, that this is not a reason not to fight for it. In that respect, he touches on something that will be picked up in France a few years later: to not make a choice is itself a choice; if you are not promoting the revolution, then you’re promoting the status quo (in saying this I don’t mean to imply that the French have a monopoly on this idea–Thoreau’s civil disobedience is a shadow of this, and I’m sure there are other, older texts that support it). In these cases, it matters what you choose, and that you choose–what happens may vindicate you and absolve you, but that’s not something you’ll be able to figure out a priori (Williams also looms in the background here, but, despite the fact that I love him, he, too, does very little but regurgitate old ideas for an analytic audience in a very British way).

Aside from that, I also found it quite interesting that much of Lenin’s plan relies on the fact that the future is something that we have to build together. Despite the fact that so much of Marxism (and Marxism-Leninism) is grounded in this deep belief of uncovering the logical course of history scientifically, it’s important to note that this claim, too, has limits. Namely, we can’t figure out what the Communist future will be like because what that future looks like will have to be something that we negotiate in terms that are not yet available.

In a sense, this is something that is almost trivial. Imagine asking the very first thinkers who were working on breaking the bonds of feudalism to explain what life would be like in 2019. What could they tell you about the problems that we face today? Nothing! Why should be expect more from a guy writing in the 19th century? Why should we expect more from anyone past a certain point? From this perspective, intellectual modesty shouldn’t be that impressive. Yet…

(I know that there are people who still harbor the idea that the secrets of our present predicament are to be found in Plato, Christ, Hobbes, or, God help them, Adam Smith. They think that these thinkers had everything figure out and that our biggest problems rest in how far we deviate from their original thought. Maybe the Christians have something there since they’ve got omniscience built into their guy’s theory, but I pity the rest. At least Marx had the sense to say that he can only see so far…)

This focus on the uncertainty and the need for human collaboration and creativity in the face of that uncertainty is something that I think tends to get pushed aside when discussing a figure as forceful and commanding as Lenin. Still, I think this was a central part of how he understood what he was fighting for, and it’s an important part of how we should understand him.

4: Historical Cohesion

Finally, I think there’s something of value in the fact that one can get a much better understanding of the history of the Soviet Union through Lenin’s theoretical commitments. Philosophical question aside, reading The State and Revolution has given me a much better understanding of why events during the Russian revolution happened as they happened.

For example, I completely understand why the Bolsheviks were so insistent on arming the workers given how central the goal of combating the armed state was for Lenin. Likewise, I understand why Lenin was so insistent on wanting the revolution to happen immediately: if all the technology was in place in Germany for the socialist revolution to happen, if all that the proletariat of the world needed to seize the means of production was an example that it could be done, and if Russia was a place in which that revolution could happen, then by God, it better happen quickly! I genuinely believe that Lenin thought that he was on the threshold of a brand new era of new human possibilities and he did everything he could to make sure that he had a hand in crossing that threshold. Similarly, I understand why it was so important for him that once the revolution happened that the rest of Europe also have their own revolution, and I can only imagine how absolutely disappointing it must have been once that failed to happen and just how much creative energy and thought had to go into figuring out what to do next.

Sadly, I also see shades of how the gamble on the world-wide revolution and its subsequent failure lead to some of the excesses of the following decades. I don’t think there’s a direct line from Leninism to Stalinism, but I do think that there’s a reasonable line to be drawn from the failure of Lenin’s predictions to the excesses of Stalinism. That’s not to say that had Lenin lived longer his ideas would have necessarily lead to Stalin. But it is to say that I do see how a failed world-revolution and, crucially, a misunderstanding of the nature of bureaucracy can lead to someone taking absolute power through the bureaucracy which is, in turn, justified through the uncertain nature of how the revolution would proceed.

All that is not to say that Leninism leads to Stalinism, but that I can see the justification of the latter in the understandable human mistakes of the former. This should be seen as no more of an indictment of Lenin than Nazism is of Nietzsche or Al-Qaeda is of Islam. In short, shit’s complicated.

Socialist Reading Series I: The State and Revolution [Part 6]

Rabble Rousing

This is the final chapter of TSaR, and, sadly, it makes for a rather anti-climactic one since it ends up being just more internal fighting between different revolutionaries (Lenin never finished the pamphlet since the Russian Revolution broke out while he was writing the final chapter). Aside from that, the other thing of note is that some of the stuff that Lenin says here seems to challenge my earlier understanding of a ‘smashed’ state, so either my understanding is off, or Lenin is being inconsistent. I’ll point to that as it comes up. In any case, for the sake of completion, let’s finish chapter 6!

After this post, I’ll do one extra one summarizing what I take to be the big takeaways from this pamphlet (a kind of reader’s digest version of this first series) and then turn to either reading Mao or Engels’ “The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State”.


Chapter VI: The Vulgarization of Marxism by the Opportunists

  1. Plekhanov’s Controversy with the Anarchists
Georgi Plekhanov (or the human personification of ‘harumph!’)

Summary

Ostensibly, this chapter is supposed to be a discussion of how the most prominent theoreticians of Marxism have distorted his teachings. In reality, it ends up being mostly a tirade against Kautsky with Plekhanov getting only this first tiny section covering barely a page.

Lenin’s frustration with Plekhanov is, simply put, that he wrote a pamphlet on ‘anarchism and Socialism’ without bringing up the question of revolution and the role of the state even once. This by itself “is a victory for opportunism” (pg. 125)

Analysis

I have virtually nothing to say on this and it strikes me as pretty damn petty. Maybe more knowledge of Plekhanov’s work would change my mind, but as it stands, the very brief commentary and one-line argument against Plekhanov is pretty lame.


2. Kautsky’s Controversy with the Opportunists

Ol’ Double K

Summary

The bigger target of Lenin’s vitriol is Kautsky, whom Lenin repeatedly accuses of opportunism on the question of the state. Lenin provides several examples of this opportunism. The first is Kautsky’s work against Bernstein’s Premises of Socialism. There, Bernstein seizes on Marx’s claim from The Communist Manifesto that “the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery, and wield it for its own purposes” to claim that this was a warning from Marx against revolutionary zeal and promoting incrementalism (i.e. “you can’t just seize things, you’ve got to work within the system!”). Lenin has already argued why this is decisively not what Marx meant and that this is a distortion. Kautsky, too, took issue with Bernstein’s interpretation, but Lenin’s problem is that Kautsky’s criticism of Bernstein misses the point. In short, Kautsky’s claim is that Marx meant that one can’t simply lay hold of the state machine, but that this isn’t enough. For Lenin, the fact that Kautsky doesn’t point out the fact that Bernstein is arguing for the very opposite of Marx’s point is tantamount to a fundamental concession to Bernstein, and, hence, a massive distortion of doctrine.

A second example of Kautsky’s opportunism can be found in his pamphlet, The Social Revolution. Here, again, Lenin says Kautsky avoids the question of the state. The problem here is, once again, the fact that Kautsky doesn’t make explicit what the proletariat needs to do in the revolution. “By avoiding this question, Kautsky in practice makes a concession to opportunism on this most essential point, although in words he declares stern war against it and emphasizes the importance of the ‘idea of revolution’ (how much is this ‘idea’ worth when one is afraid to teach the workers the concrete lessons of revolution?), or says ‘revolutionary idealism before everything else’, or announces that the English workers are now ‘hardly more than petty bourgeois.'” (pg. 130). In essence, Lenin’s claim is that Kautsky’s arguments amount to opportunism by omission.

More concretely, Lenin also takes issue with Kautsky’s remarks on the nature of bureaucracy. In short, Kautsky thinks that it’s impossible to do without bureaucracy in certain contexts, that, consequently, bureaucracy is inevitable, so that part of the tasks of the proletariat is to take over that bureaucratic machinery.

This, as we know, is not Lenin’s view. It is not the case that the proletariat simply takes over the bourgeois bureaucracy and makes sure that it works in the interest of the workers. Rather, it smashes and rebuilds the machinery such that it preserves a semblance of management while at the same time eliminating bureaucracy by making sure that, in essence, everyone performs the function of a bureaucrat (“all shall become ‘bureaucrats’ for a time and that, therefore, nobody may be able to become a ‘bureaucrat’.” pg. 131). In essence, what will be removed is bureaucracy as a kind of class apart from society while preserving the bureaucratic functions that make operation of enterprises possible.

The mistake that Kautsky makes, claims Lenin, is not understanding the difference between bourgeois parliamentarism and proletarian democracy; the former “combines democracy (not for the people) with bureaucracy (against the people)” while the latter “will take immediately steps to cut bureaucracy down to the roots, and which will be able to carry out these measures to the end, to the complete abolition of bureaucracy, to the introduction of complete democracy for the people.” (pg. 132) In essence, this amounts to “the same old ‘superstitious reverence’ for the state, and ‘superstitious belief’ in bureaucracy.” (pg. 132)

Finally, Lenin discusses Kautsky’s pamphlet, The Road to Power, which, while an improvement in comparison to the previous pamphlets insofar as it takes seriously the arrival of a new era of revolutions, still displeases Lenin. More specifically, what angers him is still the perpetual fact that although Kautsky makes a big deal about talking about revolution, he never actually picks up the question of the state as it relates to this forthcoming revolution. Thus, Lenin summarizes his frustration with Kautsky as follows:

German Social-Democracy, in the person of Kautsky, seems to have declared: I adhere to revolutionary views (1899), I recognize, in particular the inevitability of the social revolution of the proletariat (1902), I recognize the advent of a new era of revolutions (1909). Still, I am going back on what Marx said as early as 1852 now that the question of the tasks of the proletarian revolution in relation to the state is being raised (1912).

Lenin, The State and Revolution pg. 133

Analysis

There’s more in this section than in the previous section on Plekhanov, but here, again, I’m afraid more knowledge of Kautsky’s work would be needed to understand the validity of Lenin’s arguments.

Two things are worth pointing out though. In the first place, granting that I don’t have the full context, I find Lenin’s argument of opportunism by omission unconvincing. Just because a particular line of argument isn’t pursued in a discussion does not mean that the person who omits this line of argument doesn’t believe it or disavows it. One tends to tailor one’s arguments to the audience that one is addressing and to the topics that are most relevant to the discussion at hand. Since that’s the case, I think relatively little can be gathered from the fact that Kautsky doesn’t bring up exactly the points that Lenin thinks are important in criticizing Bernstein. The most that can be read from this, I think, is that Kautsky didn’t think Lenin’s argument was the most relevant or important thing to consider, but that’s about it. Lenin is making the asshole mistake of assuming that if his opponent doesn’t explicitly make the same point that he does, then the opponent can’t possibly understand or agree with that point.

Now, of course, Lenin’s claim would likely be that Marx’s lesson is so simple and so clear that anyone who claims to be a Marxist can’t fail to grasp what Lenin has grasped without being disingenuous or misinformed. But that strikes me as uh…implausible. There’s very little in Marx that’s just that obvious.

The second thing to note is that this section poses a challenge to my understanding of what it means to ‘smash’ the state. I’ve been arguing that Lenin has been using the term so far in a technical sense: to smash x is to deprive x of its primary function. This interpretation let me make sense of some of the claims that Lenin was making earlier in the pamphlet. Yet, here, we have Lenin making claims like the following:

The workers, having conquered political power, will smash the old bureaucratic apparatus, they will shatter it to its very foundations, they will destroy it to the very roots; at they will replace it by a new one, consisting of the very same workers and office employees, against whose transformation into bureaucrats the measures will at once be taken which were specified in detail by Marx and Engels

Lenin, The State and Revolution, 133

Notably, Lenin here isn’t talking about the deprivation of the function of the old state machinery, but explicitly about its complete destruction and its replacement by a new machinery. And that’s in complete odds with my standing hypothesis. I suppose that there is a sense in which my reading is still compatible with this quote insofar as one might think that to remove the function of the state just is to “shatter it to its very foundations” and insofar as the building up of the new machine just is running a machine that has a different function. But I’m skeptical. It’s also possible that Lenin is just inconsistent in how we talks about the destruction of the state, but this, too, would be surprising (or embarrassing) given how central of a theme this is in the pamphlet.

In short, I’ll have to revisit why I was so convinced of my initial take before I make a final judgment on this.


3. Kautsky’s Controversy with Pannekoek

A google Image search for “Pannekoek” gives a bunch of pictures of pancakes

Summary

Finally, Lenin picks up a left challenge to Kautsky from Pannekoek (a left communist who ran with Luxemburg: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antonie_Pannekoek) who argued that the task of the proletariat is not simply to take the instruments of state power but to completely destroy the existing state.

In response, Kautsky claims that “up to now the difference between the Social-Democrats and the anarchists has been that the former wished to conquer state power while the latter wished to destroy it. Pannekoek wants to do both.” (pg. 135; Lenin quoting Kautsky). This is doubly frustrating for Lenin because, as we’ve seen, this is not what he takes to be the difference between anarchists and socialists, and, furthermore, because this kind of response amounts to opportunism on behalf of Kautsky.

Lenin once again reminds us of the difference between Marxists and anarchists. In the first place, both aim at completely abolishing the state but the former know that this can’t be done without some transition period, while the latter simply aim to get rid of the state overnight. In the second place, Marxists understand the need to substitute a new state machinery while destroying the old machinery while the anarchists offer no guidance as to what to put in its place or how to wield revolutionary power once they have it. And in the third place, Marxists “demand that the proletariat be prepared for revolution by utilizing the present state” while anarchists do not.

In essence, by mincing words and equating ‘conquest’ of the existing state power with the wielding of a simple majority within the state rather than with a complete destruction of the state, Kautsky abandons Marx and retreats to what’s most advantageous at the moment; i.e. advocating for a kind of simple seizure of state power within the existing system.

Kautsky’s reply is in essence a return to the previous claim regarding the necessity of the bureaucracy and of officials. If even the SD party needs officials, then it’s simply ridiculous to claim that, given the current state of affairs, the opposition from the party should be one that demands their removal or the destruction of bureaucracy. To argue otherwise (I take it given his earlier comments re: anarchy) is to advocate an anarchist position and not a Marxist one.

To Lenin this is simply a trick. The question is one of revolution and its relation to the state and in Kautsky’s responses there is simply no mention of revolution at all.

The point is not at all whether the “ministries” will remain, or whether “committees of specialists” or some other institutions will be set up; that is quite unimportant. The point is whether the old state machine (bound by thousands of threads to the bourgeoisie and permeated through and through with routine and inertia) shall remain, or be destroyed and replaced by a new one.Revolution consists not in the new class commanding, governing with the aid of the old state machine, but in this class smashing this machine and commanding, governing with the aid of a new machine.

Lenin, The State and Revolution, pg. 137-138

It’s true, claims Lenin, that we don’t get along without officials even in the party, but this is because the conditions of capitalism make it such. Once the revolution is complete we will be able to do without such a class, precisely if we take the steps that Marx and Engels say were shown in the actions of the Commune. If it seems as though bureaucracy is necessary it’s only because capitalism has created this illusion–once socialism is on the scene this illusion will disappear since (to repeat the perennial refrain of the pamphlet) anyone and everyone will be capable of governing and anyone and everyone will become used to living with no one governing.

Both the opportunist and the anarchist misunderstand this point. The opportunists shy away from the task of revolution and come up with excuses for why revolution must be curtailed and held back; the anarchist embraces the revolution and the destruction of the state but doesn’t care at all about any of the concrete problems that must be solved in order to do that or what is to replace the destroyed state. The true Marxist, of course, navigates the path between both of these by not only embracing the revolution, but also understanding the minutia and details needed to make it happen.

Thus, Lenin ends by noting that there must be a decisive break with both opportunists and anarchists and an embrace of the only true and correct path towards socialism.

[There are some closing remarks about other challenges from the right, but they neither seem important, nor fully fleshed out to warrant discussion]

Analysis

What’s been said in the last two sections can be repeated here. In the first place, I would need to know more about the particular disagreement between Kautsky and Pannekoek to weigh in on whether Kautsky is being an opportunist or whether Lenin is just being wildly uncharitable. I should say that the evidence Lenin musters here is slightly more convincing since he actually brings in some positive claims from Kautsky against which he argues rather than inferring opportunism through omission. However, perhaps because I have very strong reservations about Lenin’s own views on the nature of bureaucracy (ones I’ve brought up over and over again), I’m leaning more in favor of Kautsky here. In short, I’m just not convinced that some kind of hierarchical organizational structure isn’t necessary regardless of the conditions under which the organization exists. Lenin’s claim appears to be that the very nature of how people operate in groups changes in the socialist society such that it doesn’t require any mediation. That may very well be the case, but, as I see it, the evidence for that claim is nothing short of a firm commitment to a kind of utopian future. But maybe I’m just being an opportunist :p